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![](http://www.abc.net.au/news/image/4594214-3x2-700x467.jpg)
图为457建筑工人在堪培拉罢工,大家可以看到基本都是亚裔。
再来看看这篇新闻,幕后黑手是谁?
华人地产商建筑工地出现种族歧视大字报
喜欢右翼媒体的可以看这个
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/ ... 34651bf1ab42e1672e7
Bill Shorten is peddling his own version of Trump lite
![](http://cdn.newsapi.com.au/image/v1/a79951115b868fe5c22e4b53f36c0443?width=650)
Bill Shorten may have described Donald Trump as “barking mad” but that has not stopped him from adopting the US president-elect’s populist, nativist and protectionist rhetoric. The real worry, however, is that Shorten actually believes it.
Shorten, ever the opportunist, is mimicking Trump’s jingoistic and ethnic-nationalist “America First” motto. “We will buy Australian, build Australian, make in Australia and employ Australians,” he says.
This is not a dog whistle; it is a trumpet. If you fear imported goods, if you worry about the decline of manufacturing, if you are concerned about immigrant workers, then Shorten is, apparently, the man to save you.
Shorten is selling false hope. He can’t roll back the tide of globalisation, technology and trade. While Trump promises a wall to stop immigrants, Shorten wants to reconstruct the tariff wall. They are both peddling the same cheap hucksterism on trade and immigration.
Labor is propagating an anti-globalisation message. Shorten promises workers buffeted by economic change that he will be “running the ruler” over future trade deals in line with his “aggressive Australia first” approach.
In truth, lowering trade barriers drives growth, jobs and investment. It has made industry more competitive, efficient and productive. Consumers benefit from cheaper and often higher quality goods. Billions of people have been lifted out of poverty worldwide. But you do not often hear these arguments prosecuted by Labor or the unions today.
Jason Clare, the opposition trade spokesman, offers a more considered view than Shorten. He recognises voter concern about trade deals, fuelled by stagnant wages and job insecurity. But he emphasises that overall tariff cuts have “created new businesses and new jobs” and “increased wages and economic growth”.
Shorten has seized on foreign skilled workers on 457 visas to capitalise on fears about squeezed job markets and falling living standards. He rails against “cheap labour” from overseas being used to drive down wages and “rogue companies” exploiting workers. Yet there are only 95,757 workers on primary 457 visas.
Indeed, temporary work visas are at their lowest level since 2009-10, and they are falling. In the past financial year, just 45,400 visas were granted.
More than 70 per cent are actually highly educated professionals working in areas such as information technology, where there is a skill shortage.
The 457 visas reached their peak during the previous Labor government, when Shorten was employment minister — 68,481 visas were granted in 2012-13. Yet the Coalition spooked by its own backbench populists, will place further restrictions on skilled migrant visas. Labor, having ceded policy to the unions, wants further changes.
Unions have long railed against 457 visas as a fig leaf for their own falling memberships and loss of blue-collar jobs. But several unions, including the Transport Workers Union, United Voice and the Australian Workers Union, have employed staff on 457 visas.
Julia Gillard’s former chief spin-doctor, John McTernan, was employed on a 457 visa. Hypocrisy abounds.
Shorten has often bowed to unions and embraced protectionism and nativism. He told workers in Adelaide he didn’t want Japanese-built submarines while citing World War II. He campaigned against the China free trade agreement. And he has often spoken of “Aussie jobs”. Shorten’s rhetoric and policies are not only a departure from modern Labor orthodoxy — indeed they belong in a pre-Whitlam era of xenophobia, nationalism and protectionism — but they also represent a retreat from mainstream policy. This is the political low road, where Shorten is seen all too often.
Following Trump’s surprise election victory, Shorten was eager to distance Labor from Hillary Clinton. “My party will heed the lessons of Detroit, Michigan, of Ohio and Pennsylvania. We’re not going to lose our blue-collar voters like the Democrats did,” he said.
This is a misreading of the election result. The US does not have compulsory voting, which often leads to political polarisation and low voter turnout. Comparisons with Australia are fraught with difficulty. We are a much more cohesive society, with a stronger economy and less inequality and class division.
While Trump’s victory was extraordinary, the US remains divided and he did not win an overwhelming endorsement. Clinton won the popular vote by a margin of more than 1.3 million voters. Trump won Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan by the smallest of margins. If Trump won Florida but lost these three states, he would not be president.
While the working class did shift towards Trump, most (51-42 per cent) workers earning under $US50,000 ($68,000) voted for Clinton. So did those earning under $US30,000 (53-41 per cent). Exit polls showed Clinton won a majority of black (88-8 per cent) and Hispanic/Latino (65-29 per cent) voters, many of whom were in low-paid jobs or unemployed.
Trump’s minority-vote victory was more due to cultural factors than economic ones — a point made by Barack Obama in an interview with David Remnick in The New Yorker. He was the “change” candidate at a “change” election. Trump cleverly appealed to outsiders, those viscerally anti-establishment, whereas Clinton personified the insider establishment class.
The far-Right has celebrated Trump’s victory. Pauline Hanson, like Trump, relies on fearmongering and simplistic solutions. Hanson has accused Shorten of pinching her policies on 457 visas. “Labor is now taking its cues from Pauline Hanson’s One Nation,” she tweeted. This is hardly a good look for Shorten.
Trumponomics is not all that far removed from the socialism of Bernie Sanders, who has devotees here such as Wayne Swan. These big-spending, high-taxing, isolationist and nationalist policies ultimately represent a dead end for blue-collar workers. Those who preach the revival gospel of redistributive economics and a retreat from globalisation have failed to learn the lessons of history.
Labor should be focused on addressing voter disaffection, job insecurity and declining living standards. It is easy to get swept up into the populist wave sweeping the globe and fall for the failed policies of the past. Just look at Shorten, who has embraced policy reversion and become Trump-lite. |
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